In a purposeful greeting to a initial partial of this essay posted yesterday, a reader (The Unabashed Indian) roughly chided me. He pronounced a story of how Nitish Kumar breached his possess outpost does not need a prolonged thesis. “It can be pronounced in a singular sentence,” he pronounced and quoted ‘ego’ as one of a 3 weapons of self-destruction.
Nitish Kumar did indeed magnify his hand. He stretched his sudden, written-in-a-hurry, I-hate-Modi book to lengths during precisely a time that Modi insanity was viralling opposite a country. And it backfired.
Now that The Unabashed Indian has damaged a rather skinny torment on ‘how’ Nitish did it, let me speak about ‘why’ he did it.
When Nitish took his antithesis to Modi to an recurrent turn he distributed that a territory of a BJP, antagonistic to Modi’s flourishing influence, would support him in his new domestic venture. While so miscalculating, he also ignored a disadvantage of his Bihar indication of expansion that was radically saved by a state.
He did not get a subsidy from Modi-baiters in a BJP and in his second army as a arch minister, on a behind of a thumping electoral victory, he was already seen to be unsatisfactory on a expansion front as well. Mostly since by now people were looking for expansion plus.
So, was Nitish Kumar trusting in awaiting support from Modi-baiters in a BJP? Till 2012, he was given to trust by leaders like LK Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, Sushma Swaraj and Nitin Gadkari that there was frequency any range for Modi to detonate on a inhabitant stage.
In a cooking assembly hosted by Arun Jaitley, a afterwards BJP boss Nitin Gadkari famously remarked, “Nitish ji agar aap chahenge add-on bhi vo pradhan mantra nahi anathema sakte (Nitishji even if we wish Modi will never turn a Prime Minister)”.
Nitish Kumar distributed that inner BJP contention would intensify if Modi were to be announced as their primary ministerial candidate. For a time behind afterwards it did seem like Nitish Kumar was not distant off a mark. In Nitish Kumar’s assessment, a BJP had a singular ability to grow and would be limited approach next a infancy symbol in a best box scenario.
His assumptions were shaped on his low revolutionary faith that domestic mobilization of a castes would extent a BJP’s growth. He was approach off a mark. For all his anti-Modi fulminations, Muslims chose Lalu and his support base, a top castes, totally forlorn him.
This drubbing irrational Nitish and his politics. One fumble followed another.
He quiescent as a arch apportion and chose a Jitan Ram Manjhi, a Mahadalit, as his successor. Manjhi, is famous for changeable his devotion according to convenience. While Nitish seemed to be an introspection mode, Manjhi’s relationship with a BJP was an open secret.
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Given Manjhi’s prolonged knowledge as apportion in opposite governments in Bihar, he instituted measures to connect his Mahadalit support bottom that radically shaped a core subdivision of Nitish Kumar’s bloc of extremes.
Having been forlorn by top castes and Mahadalits, Kumar found himself in a unsafe position and compounded his blunders by selecting an fondness with Lalu’s RJD in desperation. This flew in a face of his possess politics of a final dual decades and a large certain charge he viewed in 2010 on a Lalu-Jungle-Raj plank.
In hint Nitish Kumar’s fondness with Lalu was viewed to be a counterbalance of what he stood for all these years. When he took over as a arch apportion for fourth time after dislodging Manjhi, Kumar was presiding over a tattered domestic bequest of his own. Though he attempted to whip adult support by returning his electorate to a expansion account of his successful initial term, his slogans had mislaid a ring of probity of yore.
Lalu’s standing diatribe (Mandal II, he screamed during a Mahagathbandhan rally) drags Bihar to a 90s and pushes Nitish to a margins of an selecting that should have been so his for a taking. Suddenly, a male who incited around Bihar has consumed a account of expansion and confidence he weaved.
As an spectator of politics we learn not to write pre-mature epitaphs of politicians. This is not meant to be one. This is only to indicate out that Nitish should have been in a autocratic position, not on unsure ground.