Could a whopping mercantile package make adult for overpower on India-Pakistan rapprochement? Would handing over pivotal energy projects for supervision by a state supervision cut ice with anti-India propagandists? Will a immeasurable though minutely-orchestrated primary ministerial assembly make adult for curfew during large?
From such disturbing questions hangs a predestine of a beleaguered Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, Mufti Mohammed Sayeed. This Saturday is one of a many essential days of his tenure. His bloc partner, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is to revisit Srinagar that day — and those murky issues are mistily unresolved over Kashmir.
Mufti’s friends and pretended foes comparison have compared Modi’s revisit to that of another primary apportion — and maybe Mufti too sees it in that light. Atal Behari Vajpayee had visited Srinagar on 17 Apr 2003. It was a remarkable visit, announced only dual days before. Standing beside Mufti, who was arch apportion afterwards too, Vajpayee had addressed Pakistan from Srinagar.
Vajpayee had told Pakistan he was prepared to dispatch a unfamiliar use officer a subsequent day if it were peaceful to rivet in talks. It was only a few months after a dual countries’ infantry had been cold from a year-long eyeball-to-eyeball face-off on a limit following a Parliament conflict on 13 Dec 2001.
Vajpayee’s Srinagar debate — about that he had not consulted even his principal secretary and inhabitant confidence confidant Brajesh Mishra, leave alone Home Minister LK Advani — kicked off one of a 3 many earnest sets of negotiations between a dual antagonistic neighbours during a past 7 decades.
Nothing came of it, though Mufti had deftly projected himself as a block of those talks and a confidence-building measures that accompanied them, such as a opening of a Srinagar-Muzaffarabad road.
Insiders contend they don’t design Modi to make that kind of confidant gesticulate to Pakistan on Saturday. In fact, Mufti did his best to convince a sealed assembly of celebration workers final Saturday that mixed energy centres in Pakistan had queered a representation for shared talks, that India indeed wanted.
As for Kashmir, he pronounced he had no doubt that Sheikh Abdullah had been right to behind advent to India. Mufti is walking a dangerous tightrope to try and motivate his discontented workers with such fairness amid widespread alienation.
Rather than a grand opening to Pakistan, Mufti is apparently anticipating that this primary apportion competence open a approach for talks with a operation of domestic forces, including a Hurriyat Conference.
Mirwaiz Omar Farooq has as good as responded in advance: He told an interviewer that a Hurriyat Conference that he chairs, would be peaceful to rivet in talks if a primary apportion were to trigger talks with Pakistan too. That is a resistant position of his rival, Syed Ali Shah Geelani. Taking an choice line would need good domestic adroitness.
Far some-more than any probability of talks, Mufti has apparently pinned wish on a critical mercantile initiative, including a outrageous financial ‘package’. There have been several fake starts on that given a PDP-BJP bloc took bureau 9 months ago. The state’s financial apportion Haseeb Drabu even announced a ‘package’ that did not materialise.
This time, Mufti’s possess repute is on a line. He has micro-managed preparations for a revisit after basic talks with a primary apportion in New Delhi. BJP ubiquitous secretary and indicate male for a state, Ram Madhav, has also been in Srinagar to ready a ground.
Mufti apparently hopes that, nonetheless a long-expected ‘package’ will be radically mercantile rather than political, it might obliquely residence one of a oft-repeated anti-India promotion points among Kashmiris — that a state’s H2O resources are appropriated for a energy needs of other northern states, withdrawal Kashmir in a dark.
He apparently hopes that a ‘package’ will embody a sum to safeguard remuneration to a National Thermal Power Corporation for handing over a integrate of energy projects to a state government.
Mufti contingency be anticipating opposite wish that such a manifestly brash step will produce some domestic dividends for him — and palliate alienation. For, given a state’s deplorable opening in handling mirco-hydel projects, energy distribution, and such desirous and high-investment schemes as an Entrepreneurship Development Institute, handing over energy projects is expected to be economically disastrous.
Mufti’s plea to plan an radically mercantile beginning as politically sufficient has been vastly increasing by a gauntlet thrown by separatist leaders led by Geelani. They have called for a ‘million march’ to criticism a primary minister’s visit.
The supervision faces a unenviable charge of commanding despotic curfew on those who respond to that call even while facilitating a assemblage that MLAs of both a PDP and the bloc allies are mobilising.
The arch apportion is privately creation a back-breaking bid to safeguard that Modi’s revisit passes off successfully. He sees it as a pivotal branch indicate for his stream tenure. The problem is that success in this box will be counted in both certain and disastrous terms; hang-up is as critical as mobilisation.